Complex-Predicate Formation and Some Consequences in Japanese
Kenji Yokota
University of Tokyo
ABSTRACT The debate has not yet been settled as to whether Japanese causative structures are 'bi-clausal' or 'mono-clausal'. Within LFG, Ishikawa (1985) and Matsumoto (1996) claim that Japanese morphological causatives are bi-clausal at f-structure, mono-clausal at c-structure. In this paper, I argue that the recent LFG approach to complex predicates (Alsina 1996, Butt 1995, Andrews and Manning 1999, etc) holds good in Japanese causative and other related constructions; i.e., mono-clausal at f-structure and bi-clausal at c-structure, pace Ishikawa and Matsumoto. I demonstrate that several phenomena (ex. (in)separability of the word, passivization, honorification, the interpretation of pronominals) supposedly support the one-word analysis by Ishikawa and Matsumoto are in fact to be handled elsewhere in grammar such as phonology, syntax and pragmatics. Most importantly, examining the facts about the interpretation of adverbs (ex (1)), I corroborate the assumption that c-structure as well as f-structure should participate in calculating semantic interpretation. (cf. Andrews and Manning) Ishikawa and Matsumoto do not assume phrase structure is to be taken into account for semantic interpretation. Hence, how they account for examples like (2) remains unclear. The proposed analysis differs from Andrews and Manning's in treating distinctively serial verbs and other complex predicates. One of the biggest reasons for this is that the former, which is formed at lexicon, do not exhibit such ambiguity. (ex. (1)), while the latter, which is formed at syntax, do. (ex. (2), (3)) In our account, irrespective of the sorts, all we have to say is that adjuncts necessarily scope within the domain in which grammatical relations are shared. (cf. Andrews and Manning 1999, Yokota 1999) We now can no longer depend on 'less motivated movements' like Quantifier Raising in GB / Minimalism, or the lexicalized version of Quantifier Retrieval in HPSG. (cf. Manning et al. 1999) Note that the latter approach will face difficulties in accounting for the absence of ambiguity in (1). Previous studies within non-derivational framework including HPSG and LFG have challenged the scope ambiguity as shown in (2) and (3). However, none of them can handle it in natural and consistent manner like ours. Though Manning et al. (1999), who argue for the mono-clausal analysis, have pointed out that there exists ambiguity like (3), they do not discuss the way to handle it for reasons of complexities. Gunji (1999), on the other hand, argues for a bi-clausal, or VP-complement, account. However, he would not be able to account for the possible interpretations given in (i) and (ii) of (3) without assumptions like preposing or long-distance scrambling of 'terebi-sika', which seems to be undesirable in the theory. Examples: (1) Taroo-ga Saburoo-o yukkuri osi-taosi-ta. [unamiguous] (2) a. Ken-ga damatte Naomi-o suwar-ase-ta. [ambiguous] b. Damatte Ken-ga Naomi-o suwar-ase-ta. [unambiguous] (3) Ken-ga Naomi-ni terebi-sika mi-sase-na-katta. [ambiguous] (ii) Ken-ga Naomi-ni [terebi-sika mi]-sase-na-katta. Selected references: Alsina, Alex. 1996. The Role of Argument Strcture in Grammar.
CSLI Publications.
Back to Abstracts index |